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Irish politician, writer, historian and academic (1917-2008)

For other people with the aforementioned name, see Conor O'Brien.

This British surname is barrelled, being fabricated up of multiple names. It should exist written as Cruise O'Brien, not O'Brien.

Conor Cruise O'Brien
Conor Cruise O'Brien.jpg
Government minister for Posts and Telegraphs
In office
14 March 1973 – 5 July 1977
Taoiseach Liam Cosgrave
Preceded past Gerry Collins
Succeeded by Pádraig Faulkner
Senator
In office
27 October 1977 – thirteen June 1979
Constituency Dublin Academy
Teachta Dála
In office
June 1969 – June 1977
Constituency Dublin North-East
Member of European Parliament
In office
1 January 1973 – 23 March 1973
Constituency Oireachtas
Vice-Chancellor of the Academy of Republic of ghana
In office
1962–1965
Preceded past Raymond Henry Stoughton
Succeeded by Alexander Kwapong
Personal details
Born

Donal Conor David Dermot Donat Cruise O'Brien


(1917-11-03)3 November 1917
Rathmines, Dublin, Ireland
Died 18 Dec 2008(2008-12-18) (aged 91)
Howth, Dublin, Republic of ireland
Nationality Irish gaelic
Political party Labour Political party
Other political
affiliations		 UK Unionist Political party
Spouse(s)

Christine Foster

​

​

(m. 1939; div. 1959)​


Máire Mhac an tSaoi

​

(yard. 1962)​
Children 5, including Kate
Alma mater Trinity Higher Dublin

Donal Conor David Dermot Donat Cruise O'Brien (3 November 1917 – 18 December 2008[1]), oft nicknamed "The Cruiser",[2] was an Irish diplomat, politician, writer, historian and academic who served as Minister for Posts and Telegraphs from 1973 to 1977, a Senator for Dublin University from 1977 to 1979, a Teachta Dála (TD) for the Dublin North-East constituency from 1969 to 1977 and a Member of the European Parliament (MEP) from January 1973 to March 1973.

His stance of U.k.'s role in Ireland, later independence and partition in 1921, changed during the 1970s, in response to the outbreak of The Troubles. He saw opposing nationalist and unionist traditions as irreconcilable and switched from a nationalist to a unionist view of Irish politics and history, and from opposition to back up for sectionalisation. Cruise O'Brien's outlook was radical and seldom orthodox. He summarised his position as intending "to administer an electric shock to the Irish psyche".[3]

Internationally, though a long-continuing member of the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement, he opposed in person the African National Congress's academic boycott of the apartheid government in Southward Africa.[4] Views O'Brien consort during and after the 1970s contrasted with those he articulated during the 1950s and 1960s.

During his 1945–61 career as a civil servant, Cruise O'Brien promoted the government'due south anti-partition entrada. In the 1960s he was associated with the 'New Left' and opposition to U.s.a. armed services interest in Viet Nam. At the 1969 general ballot, he was elected to Dáil Éireann equally a Labour Party TD for Dublin North-East. He served as a Government minister for Posts & Telegraphs, with responsibleness for broadcasting, between 1973 and 1977 in a coalition regime.[five] During those years he was also the Labour Party's Northern Ireland spokesman. O'Brien was subsequently known primarily as an author and equally an Irish Independent and Sunday Contained columnist.

Early life [edit]

Conor Cruise O'Brien was born at 44 Leinster Road, Rathmines, Dublin, to Francis ("Frank") Prowl O'Brien and the old Kathleen Sheehy.[6] Frank was a journalist with the Freeman'southward Journal and Irish gaelic Independent newspapers, and had edited an essay written 50 years earlier by William Lecky concerning the influence of the clergy on Irish gaelic politics.[seven] Kathleen was an Irish language teacher. She was the daughter of David Sheehy, a member of the Irish gaelic Parliamentary Party and organiser of the Irish National State League. She had iii sisters, Hanna, Margaret and Mary. Hanna's husband, the well-known pacifist and supporter of women's suffrage Francis Sheehy-Skeffington, was executed by firing squad on the orders of Captain J.C Bowen Colthurst during the 1916 Easter Rise.[eight] [ix] Soon after Mary's married man, Thomas Kettle, an officeholder of the Royal Dublin Fusiliers in the Get-go World War, was killed during the Battle of the Somme. These women, Hanna and Kathleen in particular, were a major influence on Prowl O'Brien's upbringing alongside Hanna's son, Owen Sheehy-Skeffington.[10]

O'Brien'south father died in 1927. He wanted Conor educated, similar Conor'southward cousin Owen, in Sandford Park School that had a predominantly Protestant ethos, a wish Kathleen honoured.[11] despite objections from Catholic clergy.[12] Cruise O'Brien subsequently attended Trinity College Dublin, which played the British national anthem until 1939. While others stood, Cruise O'Brien and Sheehy-Skeffington sat in protest on such occasions.[xiii] Prowl O'Brien was elected a scholar in Modern Languages at Trinity in 1937 and was editor of Trinity's weekly, TCD: A College Miscellany.

His outset wife, Christine Foster, from a Belfast Presbyterian family, was, like her father, a fellow member of the Gaelic League. Her parents, Alexander (Alec) Roulston Foster and Anne (Annie) Lynd, were in Cruise O'Brien's description, "Home Rulers; a very advanced position for any Protestants in the catamenia".[14] Alec Foster was at the time headmaster of Belfast Majestic Academy; he was later a founding member of the Wolfe Tone Society,[15] and was a strong supporter of the Irish Anti-Apartheid motion.[16] He was a former Ulster, Ireland and British & Irish Lions rugby player, having captained Republic of ireland three times between 1912 and 1914. Cruise O'Brien and Christine Foster were married in a registry role in 1939. The couple had three children: Donal, Fedelma, and Kathleen (Kate), who died in 1998. The union concluded in divorce later on 20 years.

In 1962, Cruise O'Brien married the Irish-language author and poet Máire Mhac an tSaoi in a Roman Catholic church building. Cruise O'Brien's divorce, though opposite to Roman Catholic teaching, was not an result because that church did not recognise the validity of Cruise O'Brien'south 1939 civil wedding. Cruise O'Brien referred to this action, which in issue formally de-recognised the legitimacy of his one-time wife and their children, as "hypocritical … and otherwise distasteful, only I took it, equally preferable to the alternatives".[17] Mac an tSaoi was five years his junior, and the daughter of Seán MacEntee, who was Tánaiste (deputy prime minister) at the time. They later adopted two children of Irish-African parentage, a son (Patrick) and a daughter (Margaret).

Department of External Affairs [edit]

Cruise O'Brien's academy teaching led to a career in the public service, most notably in the Department of External Affairs. He achieved distinction equally managing director of the state-run Irish News Agency and later as part of the fledgling Irish gaelic delegation to the United nations. Cruise O'Brien later claimed he was something of an dissonant iconoclast in post-1922 Irish politics, especially in the context of Fianna Fáil governments nether Éamon de Valera.

Cruise O'Brien wrote that the then Secretary of the department, Joseph P. Walshe, might well have considered that Cruise O'Brien was "no fit person to be a member of Cosmic Republic of ireland'southward Section of External Affairs". Cruise O'Brien attributed his appointment "to a decision taken at a college level. Nether God, at that place was merely i higher level. This consisted of Eamon de Valera, then Minister for External Diplomacy as well every bit Taoiseach." Cruise O'Brien speculated that de Valera'due south Catholicism may have been conditioned by his excommunication during the Civil War of 1922/3, that he may take felt that Walshe had been likewise close to the previous government and that he may have been witting of the nationalist credentials of the Sheehy family unit, notably Cruise O'Brien's great uncle, Father Eugene Sheehy, who had been parish priest of Bruree during de Valera's formative years. De Valera later wrote of Father Sheehy, " Eisean a mhúin an tirgrá dhom " (It was he who taught me patriotism).[eighteen]

Cruise O'Brien wrote of his entry into the public service "The time when I joined the Section of Finance was the starting time time, since my First Communion, that I found myself in a working environment which was mainly – indeed almost entirely - Catholic".[19] Every bit he admitted, his not-belief did not impede his career, which ended at ambassadorial level. He observed,

There was nothing unusual even and so virtually not assertive in Catholicism. What was unusual and then was to acknowledge publicly that you lot did not believe in Catholicism … It is interesting that this did admittedly no impairment to my public career around the mid-century – a time when the authorization of a triumphant Catholic Church building appeared to exist overwhelmingly strong, in the media and in public life. But I remember many educated people - including many in the public service - already resented that say-so and, while being discreet about this themselves, had some respect for a person who publicly rejected it altogether.[20]

In the Section of External Affairs, during the 1948–51 inter-political party regime, Cruise O'Brien served under Seán MacBride, son of John MacBride and Maud Gonne, republican and one-time IRA Chief of Staff, who would go the 1974 Nobel Peace Laureate. Cruise O'Brien was particularly vocal in opposition to partition during the 1940s and 1950s, every bit role of his official duties.

Secondment in Congo [edit]

Cruise O'Brien came to prominence in 1961, after his secondment from Republic of ireland'southward UN delegation every bit a special representative to Dag Hammarskjöld, Secretary Full general of the United nations, in the Katanga region of the newly independent Congo (now the Democratic Republic of the congo). O'Brien accused a combination of British, French and white Rhodesian elements of attempting to partition off Katanga equally a pro-western client-state. He used military machine force to oppose a combination of western mercenaries and Katangan forces. A United nations crisis ensued and Cruise O'Brien was forced to step downwardly simultaneously from his Un position and the Irish diplomatic service in late 1961. He went public immediately with his version of events, writing simultaneously in the Observer (London) and the New York Times that, "My resignation from the United Nations and from the Irish gaelic foreign service is a result of British government policy".[21] Michael Ignatieff asserted that Hammarskjöld, who was killed in Katanga in a suspicious plane crash prior to O'Brien'south departure, had misjudged O'Brien's abilities as UN representative. He further observed that O'Brien'south use of military force provided the Soviets and the Usa with ammunition in their campaign against the UN Secretary General and against United nations actions in opposition to the interests of the big powers. That thesis was later on shown to be inaccurate by the documentary "CONGO 1961",[22] which showed that Hammarskjöld himself had ordered the military deportment and left Cruise O'Brien to take the blame when they failed.

Documents on Irish Foreign Policy 1957-1961 (2018), included 1961 correspondence in which Frederick Boland, Ireland's ambassador to the UN, said that he had been told by Ralph Bunche, Under-Secretary-General of the Un for special political affairs, that Cruise O'Brien had been "given the green calorie-free" for the seizure of the Mail service Office and the Radio Station.[23]

Siege of Jadotville [edit]

In September 1961, a company of 157 Irish Un troops was surrounded by a strength of heavily armed Gendarmerie and mercenaries outnumbering them twenty-to-one in jadotville. The Irish soldiers, many of them still in their teens, were lightly armed, curt of ammunition and supplies and unprepared for the situation. They had been sent to the newly independent Commonwealth of Congo on what was supposed to be a peacekeeping mission but were ordered to the offensive by the UN's most senior diplomat on the basis, Cruise O'Brien acting on the instructions of the Secretarial assistant General, who wanted the Katanga problem solved earlier the upcoming United Nations Full general Assembly, as his career was on the line.

The Irish troops held out for 6 days earlier they ran out of bullets and drinking water. When water finally reached them, it came in former petrol cans that had not been cleaned, making it undrinkable. The troops inflicted heavy casualties on the enemy force but suffered no fatalities themselves. After their surrender, they spent just over one month in captivity unsure of their fate, and when they arrived dorsum in Ireland, were dismayed and securely hurt to acquire that the United nations and their own government were anxious to sweep the episode under the carpet to protect the reputation and to conceal the failures of the United nations in preparing for combat and liberating Company A.

Cruise O'Brien wrote immediately nearly his experiences in The Observer (London) and in The New York Times on 10 and 17 December 1961. Cruise O'Brien's version of events, set out in his 1962 book To Katanga and Dorsum, has been dismissed as highly selective and self-serving, and it deliberately excluded crucial items.[ citation needed ] Contempo show from the UN archives suggests Prowl O'Brien had acted with the express approval of Hammarskjöld.[ citation needed ] Armed with the annal material, i good concluded Hammarskjöld "knew in accelerate that the United nations was about to take action in Katanga and he authorised that activity".[24]

A picture show based on the events, The Siege of Jadotville, depicts Cruise O'Brien as pitying but ultimately unregretful for the fate of the inexperienced Irish troops isolated in Jadotville as a event of his own instructions.[ citation needed ] A documentary, 'Congo 1961', made for Irish gaelic television station TG4 challenged this by showing that the deportment for which Cruise O'Brien was blamed had been ordered by Hammarskjöld and later covered up by the United nations to make Cruise O'Brien the scapegoat.[24]

Opposition to the Vietnam War [edit]

After O'Brien was recalled from UN service and his resignation from the Irish gaelic ceremonious service, he served every bit Vice-Chancellor of the Academy of Ghana. He resigned afterwards he barbarous out with the Chancellor and President of Ghana, Kwame Nkrumah, in 1965. O'Brien was then appointed Albert Schweitzer Professor of humanities in New York University, a position he held until 1969. During the 1960s O'Brien was an active opponent of Usa involvement in Vietnam. He supported the right of the Vietnamese people to apply violence against US military machine. At a 1967 Vietnam War symposium O'Brien clashed with Hannah Arendt, who had remarked, "As to the Viet Cong terror, we cannot possibly agree with information technology". O'Brien responded, "I recall there is a stardom betwixt the use of terror past oppressed peoples against the oppressors and their servants, in comparison with the use of terror by their oppressors in the interests of further oppression. I retrieve there is a qualitative distinction there which we take the right to make."

In December 1967 O'Brien was forepart-page news in the Irish Times, that reported his arrest while demonstrating against the war, and existence kicked by a policeman. In May 1968 O'Brien condemned police attacks on, and harassment of, the militant, armed, Blackness Panther Party.[25] [26]

Between January and March 1969, O'Brien offered refuge at his home in Howth to German language socialist student leader, and anti-Vietnam State of war activists, Rudi and Gretchen Dutschke. In April the previous year Dutschke had been shot and badly injured by a right-fly assassinator in W Berlin, but was subsequently denied visas by a number of European countries, including Uk. During their stay, the Dutschkes were visited by their lawyer Horst Mahler who tried, and failed, to persuade them to support him hugger-mugger in the group that was to go the Red Army Faction (the "Baader Meinhof Gang").[27]

Irish politics [edit]

Cruise O'Brien returned to Ireland and in the 1969 general election was elected to Dáil Éireann as a member of the opposition Labour Political party in Dublin N-East,[28] taking the second of that constituency's four seats behind Fianna Fail Minister for Finance Charles Haughey, whose probity in financial matters he questioned.[29] He was appointed a fellow member of the short-lived first delegation from the Oireachtas to the European Parliament. After the 1973 full general ballot, Cruise O'Brien was appointed Minister for Posts and Telegraphs in the 1973–77 Labour-Fine Gael coalition nether Taoiseach Liam Cosgrave.

Later the outbreak of armed conflict in Northern Ireland in 1969, Cruise O'Brien developed a deep hostility to militant Irish republicanism and to Irish nationalists more often than not in Northern Ireland, which reversed the views that he articulated at the outset of the unrest.[30] [31] He as well reversed his opposition to broadcasting censorship imposed past the previous government, by extending and vigorously enforcing censorship of Raidió Teilifís Éireann (RTÉ) under Department 31 of the Broadcasting Act.[32] In 1976, he specifically banned spokespersons for Sinn Féin and the Provisional Irish gaelic Republican Ground forces from RTÉ.[ citation needed ] At the aforementioned time, he unsuccessfully attempted to have Great britain's BBC one broadcast on Republic of ireland'southward proposed second television channel, instead of allowing RTÉ to run it.[33] [34]

Two boosted notable incidents affected Cruise O'Brien'southward career as minister, besides his support for broadcasting censorship.

In August 1976, Bernard Nossiter of The Washington Mail interviewed him on the passage of an Emergency Powers Bill. During the grade of the interview, Cruise O'Brien revealed an intention to extend censorship across broadcasting. He wished to "cleanse the civilisation" of republicanism and said that he would like the pecker to exist used against teachers who allegedly glorified Irish revolutionaries. He also wanted it used against paper editors who published pro-republican or anti-British readers' letters.[35] Cruise O'Brien mentioned The Irish Press as a newspaper against which he peculiarly hoped to use the legislation against and produced a file of Irish gaelic Press letters to the editor to which he took exception. Nossiter immediately informed The Irish Press editor Tim Pat Coogan of Cruise O'Brien'due south intentions. Coogan printed Nossiter's report (equally did The Irish gaelic Times), republished the letters to which Cruise O'Brien objected and ran a number of strong editorials attacking Cruise O'Brien and the proposed legislation. The interview caused huge controversy and resulted in the modification of the measure out appearing to target newspapers.[36]

Cruise O'Brien too supported Garda Síochána brutality from 1973 to 1977, just that was not revealed past Prowl O'Brien until 1998 in his Memoir.[37] In Memoir: My Life and Themes, Cruise O'Brien recalled a chat with a detective who told him how the Gardaí had institute out from a suspect the location of businessman Tiede Herrema, who had been kidnapped by group of maverick republicans in October 1975: "the escort started asking him questions and when at first he refused to answer, they beat the shit out of him. So he told them where Herrema was"."/ Cruise O'Brien explained, "I refrained from telling this story to [ministerial colleagues] Garret [FitzGerald] or Justin [Keating], because I thought information technology would worry them. Information technology didn't worry me".[38] Elements of the Garda that engaged in beating fake confessions out of suspects quickly became known equally the "Heavy Gang".[39] [40]

Prowl O'Brien's Dublin North-East constituency was re-drawn and renamed as part of his Labour colleague James Tully's attempt as Government minister for Local Government to pattern boundaries in the electoral interests of the coalition partners. The plan backfired. In the 1977 general ballot, he stood in Dublin Clontarf and was one of three ministers (the others being Justin Keating and Patrick Cooney) defeated in a rout of the outgoing assistants.[41] He was, however, subsequently elected to Seanad Éireann in 1977 from the Dublin University constituency. He was dropped as Labour's Northern Ireland spokesperson. O'Brien resigned his seat in 1979 because of new commitments every bit editor-in-chief of The Observer newspaper in London.

Editor-in-Principal at The Observer [edit]

Between 1978 and 1981 Cruise O'Brien was editor-in-chief of The Observer newspaper in Britain. In 1979 he controversially refused to publish an Observer article past Mary The netherlands, the newspaper'southward Ireland correspondent. Holland, whose reporting won her a Journalist of the Twelvemonth accolade, had been one of the get-go journalists to explicate bigotry in Northern Ireland to a British audience. The article was a profile of Mary Nelis of Derry and dealt with her radicalisation equally a consequence of the conflict. Prowl O'Brien objected and sent Holland a memo stating that the "killing strain" of Irish gaelic republicanism "has a very loftier propensity to run in families and the mother is most often the carrier".[13] The memo connected, "It is a very serious weakness of your coverage of Irish gaelic diplomacy that y'all are a very poor judge of Irish Catholics. That gifted and talkative community includes some of the most expert conmen and conwomen in the world and I believe y'all accept been conned".[42] [43] Holland was forced out of the newspaper by Prowl O'Brien.[44] She later joined The Irish Times as a columnist. She also rejoined The Observer afterward Prowl O'Brien's departure in 1981.[45]

Unionism [edit]

In 1985, Cruise O'Brien supported unionist objections to the inter-governmental Anglo-Irish Understanding. In 1996 he joined Robert McCartney'south United Kingdom Unionist Party (UKUP) and was elected to the Northern Ireland Forum. In 1997, a successful libel action was brought against him by relatives of Encarmine Dominicus victims for alleging in a Dominicus Independent commodity in 1997 that the marchers were "Sinn Féin activists operating for the IRA".[46] Cruise O'Brien opposed the 1998 Adept Friday Agreement and opposed allowing Sinn Féin into regime in Northern Republic of ireland. He wrote that he was "glad to be an ally … in defense force of the Wedlock" with the Reverend Ian Paisley, leader of the Free Presbyterian Church and of the Democratic Unionist Party. In 1968 O'Brien had referred to Paisley as a "hate merchant". He also predicted, mistakenly, that Paisley would not enter a power-sharing government with Sinn Féin.[47] O'Brien later resigned from the UKUP after his book Memoir: My Life and Themes called on Unionists to consider the benefits of a united Ireland in order to thwart Sinn Féin.[48] In 2005 he rejoined the Irish Labour Political party. Cruise O'Brien defended his harsh attitudes and actions towards Irish republicans, saying "We do right to condemn all violence merely nosotros have a special duty to condemn the violence which is committed in our name".[49]

Writings [edit]

Prowl O'Brien's many books include: States of Ireland (1972), where he first indicated his revised view of Irish gaelic nationalism, The Smashing Melody (1992), his 'thematic' biography of Edmund Burke, and his autobiography Memoir: My Life and Themes (1999). He too published a collection of essays, Passion and Cunning (1988), which includes a substantial piece on the literary work of William Butler Yeats and some challenging views on the field of study of terrorism, and The Siege: The Saga of Israel and Zionism (1986), a history of Zionism and the Land of Israel. His books, especially those on Irish issues, tend to be personalised, for case States of Ireland, where he made the link between the political success of the republican Easter Rising and the consequent demise of his Domicile Rule family'south position in society. His private papers have been deposited in the University Higher Dublin Archives.

In 1963, Prowl O'Brien'south script for a Telefís Éireann plan on Charles Stewart Parnell won him a Jacob's Award.[50]

He was a longtime columnist for the Irish Independent. His articles were distinguished by hostility to the Northern Ireland peace procedure, regular predictions of civil war involving the Democracy of Ireland, and a pro-Unionist stance.[ commendation needed ]

Cruise O'Brien held visiting professorships and lectureships throughout the world, particularly in the United States, and controversially in apartheid South Africa, openly breaking the academic boycott. A persistent critic of Charles Haughey, Cruise O'Brien coined the acronym GUBU (Grotesque, Unbelievable, Bizarre and Unprecedented), based on a argument by Charles Haughey, who was so Taoiseach, commenting on the discovery of a murder suspect, Malcolm MacArthur, in the flat of the Fianna Fáil Chaser General Patrick Connolly.[51] Until 1994, Cruise O'Brien was a Pro-Chancellor of the University of Dublin.

According to Roy Foster, Colm Tóibín wrote that Seamus Heaney "was and then popular that he could fifty-fifty survive beingness endorsed past Conor Cruise O'Brien, which ordinarily meant 'the kiss of death' in Ireland. The legendary The New Yorker fact-checking desk-bound, unable to let a single statement get uncorroborated, found out Cruise O'Brien's Dublin phone number and rang to ask if his approval meant the buss of death in his native country: they and then telephoned an astonished Tóibín and reproachfully told him: 'Mr O'Brien said: "No, it didn't".'"[52]

Bibliography [edit]

  • Maria Cross: Imaginative Patterns in a Grouping of Mod Catholic Writers (equally Donat O'Donnell) (London: Chatto & Windus, 1952) OCLC 7884093
  • Parnell and His Party 1880–90 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1957) ISBN 978-0-nineteen-821237-9 (1968 edition)
  • The Shaping of Mod Ireland (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1960)
  • To Katanga and Back: A UN Case History (London: Hutchinson, 1962) OCLC 460615937
  • Writers and Politics: Essays & Criticism (London: Chatto & Windus, 1965) ISBN 978-0-fourteen-002733-4 (1976 Penguin edition)
  • Introduction and notes to Edmund Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France (London: Penguin Books, 1968, 2004) ISBN 978-0-140-43204-six
  • Murderous Angels: A Political Tragedy and One-act in Black and White (play) (Boston: Little, Brownish, 1968) OCLC 449739
  • The Un: Sacred Drama with illustrations by Feliks Topolski (London: Hutchinson, 1968) ISBN 978-0-09-085790-6
  • Camus (Fontana Modern Masters, 1970) ISBN 978-0-00-211147-8 – released in U.s.a. as Albert Camus of Europe and Africa (New York: Viking, 1970) ISBN 978-0-670-01902-1
  • (with Máire O'Brien) A Concise History of Ireland (London: Thames & Hudson, 1972); retitled The Story of Ireland (New York: Viking, 1972)
  • States of Ireland (London: Hutchinson, 1972) ISBN 978-0-09-113100-5
  • The Suspecting Glance (London: Faber, 1972) ISBN 978-0-571-09543-8
  • Herod: Reflections on Political Violence (London: Hutchinson, 1978) ISBN 978-0-09-133190-0
  • The Siege: The Saga of Israel and Zionism (1986) ISBN 978-0-671-63310-3
  • God Country : Reflections on Religion and Nationalism (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988) ISBN 978-0-674-35510-1
  • Passion and Cunning and Other Essays (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1988) ISBN 978-0-297-79325-0
  • The Great Melody: A Thematic Biography of Edmund Burke (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992) ISBN 978-0-226-61651-3
  • On the Eve of the Millennium (Toronto: House of Anansi Press, 1994). ISBN 978-0-88784-559-8
  • The Long Thing: Thomas Jefferson and the French Revolution, 1785–1800 (Chicago: University of Chicago Printing, 1996) ISBN 978-0-226-61656-8
  • Ancestral Voices: Religion and Nationalism in Ireland (Dublin: Poolbeg Press, 1994) ISBN 978-1-85371-429-0
  • Memoir: My Life and Themes (Dublin: Poolbeg Press, 1999) ISBN 978-i-85371-947-9

References [edit]

  • Akenson, Donald H. (1994). Conor: A Biography of Conor Cruise O'Brien. Cornell Academy Printing. ISBN0-8014-3086-0.
  • Coogan, Tim Pat (2008). A Memoir . Weidenfeld & Nicolson. ISBN978-0-297-85110-3.
  • Jordan, Anthony J (1994). To Express mirth or to Weep, A Biography of Conor Prowl O'Brien. Blackwater Printing. ISBN0861214439.
  • Cruise O'Brien, Conor (1999). Memoir: My Life and Themes. Dublin: Poolbeg. ISBN978-i-85371-947-9.
  • Meehan, Niall (2009). "Arrested Development: Conor Cruise O'Brien 1917–2008". History Ireland (March–April).
  • Meehan Niall (2017). The Embers of Revisionism, Critiquing Creationist Irish History, AHS, 2017.
  • Callanan, Frank; Meehan, Niall; O'Connor, Philip (2019). "The Polariser". Dublin Review of Books.

Citations [edit]

  1. ^ "Quondam government minister and journalist Conor Cruise O'Brien dies", The Irish Times, eighteen December 2008.
  2. ^ "Conor Prowl O'Brien: farewell to Republic of ireland's restless conscience". The Telegraph. twenty December 2008. Archived from the original on 27 February 2009. Retrieved 8 July 2009.
  3. ^ Akenson 1994, p. 364.
  4. ^ Akenson 1994, pp. 472–81.
  5. ^ "Conor Cruise O'Brien". Oireachtas Members Database. Archived from the original on 21 August 2019. Retrieved 9 November 2012.
  6. ^ "General Registrar's Office" (PDF). IrishGenealogy.ie . Retrieved 20 September 2019.
  7. ^ William Lecky, Clerical Influences: An essay on Irish gaelic sectarianism and English Government Edited with an introduction past W.E.M. Lloyd and F. Cruise O'Brien, Maunsel and Company, Dublin, 1911. (originally published as a affiliate in The Leaders of Public Opinion in Ireland (1861))
  8. ^ "Twentieth-Century Witness: Ireland's Fissures, and My Family's, Conor Cruise O'Brien, Atlantic Monthly, Vol.273, No.1, pp. 49-72, Jan 1994". The Atlantic. Archived from the original on 26 November 2016. Retrieved 6 March 2017.
  9. ^ Cruise O'Brien 1999, pp. xv–sixteen.
  10. ^ "Personal File Ii Deaths in Rathmines, Conor Cruise O'Brien, Atlantic Monthly, Vol. 83, No.6, pp. 44–49, June 1999". The Atlantic. June 1999. Archived from the original on xiv October 2013. Retrieved vi March 2017.
  11. ^ Conor Cruise O'Brien – Obituary by Brian Fallon Archived 7 Jan 2017 at the Wayback Motorcar, The Guardian, London, 19 Dec 2008
  12. ^ "Prowl O'Brien, Conor, "Two Deaths in Rathmines", The Atlantic, June 1999". The Atlantic. June 1999. Archived from the original on fourteen May 2008. Retrieved 6 March 2017.
  13. ^ a b Meehan 2009.
  14. ^ Cruise O'Brien 1999, p. 83.
  15. ^ ""Remembering Mr Gageby", The Irish Times, 21 July 2004". Archived from the original on 22 September 2021. Retrieved 27 Jan 2021.
  16. ^ "Breandán Mac Suibhne, The King of beasts and the Haunted House, Dublin Review of Books". Archived from the original on 22 Baronial 2013. Retrieved viii September 2013.
  17. ^ Cruise O'Brien 1999, p. 267.
  18. ^ Cruise O'Brien 1999, pp. 100, 106.
  19. ^ Prowl O'Brien 1999, p. 95.
  20. ^ "O'Brien, Conor Cruise, 'The Roots of My Preoccupations', Atlantic Monthly, July 1994, Vol. 274, No. 1; pp 73–81". The Atlantic. Archived from the original on 26 November 2016. Retrieved vi March 2017.
  21. ^ The Embers of Revisionism, Niall Meehan, AHS, 2017, p3, at, https://www.academia.edu/34075119/ Archived 5 September 2021 at the Wayback Machine.
  22. ^ CONGO 1961, akajava films, circulate on TG4 September 2012
  23. ^ "Letters evidence O'Brien had UN potency for actions in Katanga". The Irish Times. 13 November 2018. Archived from the original on 7 Feb 2021. Retrieved 28 January 2021.
  24. ^ a b CONGO 1961, akajava films, broadcast on TG4, September 2012
  25. ^ The Embers of Revisionism, Critiquing Creationist Irish gaelic History, past Niall Meehan, AHS, 2017, p.iii, at, https://www.academia.edu/34075119/ Archived 5 September 2021 at the Wayback Machine
  26. ^ See also, 'The Polariser', Niall meehan, Frank Callinan, Phillip O'Connor, Dublin Review of Books, July 2019, at, https://www.drb.ie/essays/the-polariser Archived 31 October 2020 at the Wayback Automobile.
  27. ^ Berlin, Derek Scally In (26 May 2018). "Hiding in Howth: When the 1968 revolution came to Ireland". The Irish Times. Archived from the original on 9 Nov 2020. Retrieved 11 Dec 2021.
  28. ^ "Conor Cruise O'Brien". ElectionsIreland.org. Archived from the original on 1 October 2012. Retrieved ix Nov 2012.
  29. ^ Hashemite kingdom of jordan 1994, p. 98.
  30. ^ The Embers of Revisionism, Critiquing Creationist Irish History, past Niall Meehan, AHS, 2017, at, https://www.academia.edu/34075119/ Archived 5 September 2021 at the Wayback Automobile
  31. ^ Run into also, 'The Polariser', Niall meehan, Frank Callinan, Phillip O'Connor, Dublin Review of Books, July 2019, at https://www.drb.ie/essays/the-polariser Archived 31 October 2020 at the Wayback Machine.
  32. ^ "Does Authorities Trust Broadcasters? 1973". www.rte.ie. Archived from the original on ane March 2020. Retrieved one March 2020.
  33. ^ Meet "Ceisteanna—Questions. Oral Answers. - Rebroadcasting of BBC 1. – Dáil Éireann (20th Dáil) – Thursday, 10 July 1975". Houses of the Oireachtas. Archived from the original on five May 2021. Retrieved v May 2021. for more data on Cruise O'Brien's BBC 1 campaign.
  34. ^ Conor Cruise O'Brien – Obituary Archived 7 Jan 2017 at the Wayback Auto by Brian Fallon, guardian.co.uk, Friday 19 December 2008
  35. ^ Coogan, Tim Pat, The I.R.A., pp. 421–422.
  36. ^ Coogan 2008, pp. 208–210.
  37. ^ Gene Kerrigan and Pat Brennan (1999). This Great Trivial Nation. Gill & Macmillan, pp. 235–237. ISBN 0-7171-2937-3.
  38. ^ Prowl O'Brien 1999, p. 355.
  39. ^ Joe Joyce, Peter Murtagh, Blind Justice, Dublin: Poolbeg, 1984.
  40. ^ Derek Dunne, Factor Kerrigan, "Round Upwards the Usual Suspects – Nicky Kelly & The Cosgrave Coalition", Magill, Dublin, 1984.
  41. ^ "Dublin Clontarf 1977 result". Archived from the original on ix September 2007. Retrieved 19 December 2008.
  42. ^ Coogan 2008, p. 211.
  43. ^ See 'Conor Cruise O'Brien and Mary Holland contract termination Observer (London) 1979', https://www.academia.edu/35030894/ Archived 22 September 2021 at the Wayback Machine
  44. ^ Browne, Vincent (30 January 1980). "Is the Cruiser Springing a Leak?". Magill. Archived from the original on 8 August 2020. Retrieved nine September 2020.
  45. ^ Prowl O'Brien 1999, p. 373.
  46. ^ "Bloody Sun marchers libelled". Archived from the original on 13 October 2013. Retrieved 18 September 2013.
  47. ^ The Embers of revisionism, By Niall Meehan, AHS, 2017, p.v.
  48. ^ Difficulty for UKUP leader forces O'Brien resignation, Irish Times, October 28, 1998
  49. ^ Jordan 1994, p. 189.
  50. ^ "Presentation of television awards and citations". The Irish Times. 4 December 1963.
  51. ^ Prowl O'Brien, Conor (24 August 1982). "Unsafe at Any Speed". The Irish Times.
  52. ^ Foster, R. F. (February 2009). "The Cruiser". Standpoint. Archived from the original on 23 November 2019. Retrieved 22 November 2019.

External links [edit]

  • Obituary, NY Times issue Dec. 19, 2008
  • Arrested development: Conor Prowl O'Brien, 1917–2008, Niall Meehan, History Ireland, Vol 17, No.2, March-Apr 2009.
  • Conor Cruise O'Brien, the irascible angel, Neal Ascherson, Open up Democracy, Dec 2008.
  • Works by or about Conor Cruise O'Brien in libraries (WorldCat itemize)
  • Prowl O'Brien article archive and author page from The New York Review of Books
  • Appearances on C-SPAN
  • Conor Cruise O'Brien: A Centennial Appraisal, lecture past Frank Callanan, November 2017.
  • The Polariser, debating Conor Cruise O'Brien, Frank Callinan, Niall Meehan, Phillip O'Connor.
Political offices
Preceded by

Gerry Collins

 Minister for Posts and Telegraphs
1973–1977 		Succeeded past

Pádraig Faulkner
Northern Republic of ireland Forum
New forum Regional Member
1996–1998 		Forum dissolved

hammondprarnethir1955.blogspot.com

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Conor_Cruise_O%27Brien

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